然而特朗普的胜选和欧洲极右势力的泛起，给民主世界泼了一盆冷水。历史似乎回归了，还喘着复仇的粗气；文明间的冲突并未凸显，战争依旧以国家为主导单位（参见：恐袭后的悖论）。世界回到了新森林法则下的多级格局——美国、中国、俄罗斯。向往和平的你我，也许更需要一点谨慎不乐观。历史地看，相对于两极世界，单极世界（uni-polarity）冲突最少，虽然美国冷战后大小有七次战争；而两极格局（bi-polarity）往往比多极格局（multi-polarity）更稳定，美苏争霸的代理人战争相比1945年以前算是小巫见大巫；多级世界又以不平衡的多级格局（unbalanced multipolarity）最为危险，尤其当具有优势力量的大国（preponderant power），既感到强大，又感到不安（a curious sense of feeling both strong and vulnerable）。例子比如一战前的德意志帝国，二战前欧洲的纳粹德国、东亚的日本帝国。
seebadnews YANG: Hi, my name is Yang. In his Democratic Vistas published in 1871, Walt Whitman said that the cause of democracy is sometimes aided not by the best man only, but sometimes more by those that provoke it, by the combats they arouse. He did not mind a little healthy rudeness, what many people today would call the “politically incorrect." However, what he foresaw as an exhilarating adventure has been replaced by the up-and-down of the delicate "democratic experiment," with words in recent decades associated with liberal democracy shifting from the triumphant to the fatalistic: overstretched, set-back, fragility, rise and fall. So my question is, what do you think of the health of free speech on campus as a barometer of the health of democracy at large, and in the spirit of Whitman, how to strike a balance between paying due respect to the concrete contours of reality and giving enough space to that healthy, productive, rudeness?
MADELEINE ALBRIGHT:Well, one of the things that I also—is on my to-do list—is that we have to learn to have civil discussions with people that we disagree with. And I think that that is a part that is, one, essential for democracy but certainly essential at a university setting, and therefore I do believe in the importance of listening to people that I disagree with. And I, by the way, when I teach, I say to people, "You all know I'm a card-carrying Democrat. And I want you to disagree with me." And I do think that part of what has to happen is to encourage civil disagreement and try to figure out what the other person is saying and why, and therefore I do believe that more than other places, that on campuses there needs to be that sense that we welcome discussions that are carried on in a civil way. I'm opposed to violence, but I do think that what we really need to do is have the possibility to have that discussion, and that it strengthens democracy in that particular way. And I do think that it helps us all to be pushed and to have our thinking disrupted. I think that is a very important part [2:30] of democracy.
MADELEINE ALBRIGHT: My family were victims of fascism, and I have often tried to figure out what it is, what led to the killing of millions of people because they were Jewish and various other kinds of Slavs, and why would that have even happened. And so I followed very much the kinds of things that have been going on, and then basically, also the kind of changes that have been taking place in Europe, of our allies, of the Turks and the Hungarians and the Poles. And then what had been happening in the Philippines and Venezuela just generally.
And I think that the thing that I was looking for was, what is our day's fascism? And the bottom line is, fascism is hard to define. And just finding a definition, but basically, just briefly, I think it is when a leader identifies with one particular national or tribal group to the exclusion of others, and feels that the others are people that don't deserve any individual rights, very much kind of an us-versus-them. And then is able to really use democratic institutions to undermine democracy, because he does not believe in democracy in some form or another, and therefore, seeing the press as the enemy of the people, and thinking that the judicial branches are useless, and just generally, not understanding democratic institutions. And then, using new forms of information, propaganda, to motivate people to think that there are simple answers to very complicated problems, and ultimately—and I think this is the part that is very hard to kind of really pinpoint—is the use of any tool whatsoever to gain and keep power including violence. So a bully with an army. But I think those are the kind of general aspects, and they are really demonstrated in different ways—were initially, and are now. And the book is really historical, because I wanted to understand it, so it does begin with Mussolini and Hitler, and then kind of traces some of those points that I've made.
I really do think this country and other countries were built on diversity and having a sense that refugees and immigrants are people that want to contribute to their country. And by the way, I believe that most people would prefer to live in the country where they were born, because they have the language and the family. And so to assume that they're just coming here in order to do drugs or rape people or be terrorists, I think, is ridiculous. And so I think what we need to keep explaining is that our country is built on diversity, and then help the people to become part of the system here. By the way, not only did I—Henry Kissinger said to me in that phone call, "You know, Madeleine, you have taken away my one unique characteristic of being an immigrant Secretary of State." And I said, "No, Henry, I don't have an accent." [LAUGHTER] But I do think that, without being self-serving, immigrants have done a lot for this country, and we need to keep persuading people that they want to be part of it. And it goes to a very basic issue—what is going on now? Our policies are based on fear. And to be an American, our policies have to be based on hope. And bringing people here will in fact provide hope. And David Miliband, who's head of the International Rescue Committee, said the following thing: "More people—Syrians—died in this chemical attack than have been brought into the United States. Forty-four Syrians have been brought into the United States this year.” Pretty outrageous.
Well, I want to thank you all for coming in and for listening. And I do think—I've never been kind of, you know, an agitator, but the bottom-line is, I do think that the university, community, and the questions were terrific, because they all lead to the question of what we do together. And I think we are in a very difficult time, and I am 80. And I don't want to end my life in a bad mood [LAUGHTER] about the United States. [APPLAUSE] So thank you very much. Thank you.